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The Marxist approach denies the notion that the political and economic influences on gentrification are invisible, but are intentional.

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This theory claims that "powerful interest groups follow a policy of neglect of the inner city until such time as they become aware that policy changes could yield tremendous profits" London and Palen, Once the inner city becomes a source of revenue, the powerless residents are displaced with little or no regard from the powerful.

Community networks[ edit ] The community-network approach is the fourth proposed by London and Palen. This views the community as an "interactive social group".

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Two perspectives are noted: The community lost perspective argues that the role of the neighborhood is becoming more limited due to technological advances in transportation and communication. This means that the small-scale, local community is being replaced with more large-scale, political and social organizations Greer, The opposing side, the community saved side, argues that community activity increases when neighborhoods are gentrified because these neighborhoods are being revitalized.

Social movements[ edit ] The fifth and final approach is social movements. This theoretical approach is focused on the analysis of ideologically based movements, usually in terms of leader-follower relationships.

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Those who support gentrification are encouraged by leaders successful urban pioneers, political-economic elites, land developers, lending institutions, and even the Federal government in some instances to revive the inner-city. Those who are in opposition are the people who currently reside in the deteriorated areas. They develop countermovements in order to gain the power necessary to defend themselves against the movements of the elite.

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An excellent example was the turned around gang in Chicago who fought for years against the Richard J. They occupied neighborhood institutions and led massive demonstration to make people aware. These countermovements can be unsuccessful, though. The people who support reviving neighborhoods are also members, and their voices are the ones that the gentrifiers tend to hear London and Palen, As an economic process[ edit ] Two discrete, sociological theories explain and justify gentrification as an economic process production -side theory and as a social process consumption -side theory that occurs when the suburban gentry tire of the automobile-dependent urban sprawl style of life; thus, professionals, empty nest aged parents, and recent university graduates perceive the attractiveness of the city center—earlier abandoned during white flight —especially if the poor community possesses a transport hub and its architecture sustains the pedestrian traffic that allows the proper human relations impeded by sub urban sprawl.

A survey of Northwest Chicago conducted between and showed that homes located directly in the vicinity Red Line and Brown Line stops of the "L" rail transit system saw a huge price jump during these years, compared to only modest increases for area outside the zone. Between and in particular, homes near transit stops nearly doubled in value. The investigators Rose, Beauregard, Mullins, Moore et al. He asserts that restructuring of urban space is the visual component of a larger social, economic, and spatial restructuring of the contemporary capitalist economy.

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This change in consumption causes a fall in inner city land prices, often resulting in poor upkeep and a neglect of repair for these properties by owners and landlords. The depressed land is then devalued, causing rent to be significantly cheaper than the potential rent that could be derived from the "best use" of the land while taking advantage of its central location.

When the gap is sufficiently wide, real estate developerslandlordsand other people with vested interests in the development of land perceive the potential profit to be derived from re-investing in inner-city properties and redeveloping them for new tenants. Thus, the development of a rent gap creates the opportunity for urban restructuring and gentrification. Abandoned industrial areas create availability for land for the rent gap process. Spatial centralization and decentralization of capital[ edit ] De-industrialization is often integral to the growth of a divided white collar employmentproviding professional and management jobs that follow the spatial decentralization of the expanding world economy.

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However, somewhat counter-intuitively, globalization also is accompanied by spatial centralization of urban centers, mainly from the growth of the inner city as a base for headquarter and executive decision-making centers. This concentration can be attributed to the need for rapid decisions and information flow, which makes it favorable to have executive centers in close proximity to each other.

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Thus, the expanding effect of suburbanization as well as agglomeration to city centers can coexist. These simultaneous processes can translate to gentrification activities when professionals have a high demand to live near their executive workplaces in order to reduce decision-making time.

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At the end of a period of expansion for the economy, such as a boom in postwar suburbs, accumulation of capital leads to a falling rate of profit. It is then favorable to seek investment outside the industrial sphere to hold off onset of an economic crisis. By this time, the period of expansion has inevitably led to the creation of rent gap, providing opportunity for capital reinvestment in this surrounding environment.

The aging baby-boomer population, greater participation of women in the workforce, and the changes in marriage and childrearing norms explain the appearance that gentrification takes, or as Smith says, "why we have proliferating quiche bars rather than Howard Johnson's". The North Loop neighborhoodMinneapolis, Minn. In contrast to the production-side argument, the consumption-side theory of urban gentrification posits that the "socio-cultural characteristics and motives" of the gentrifiers are most important to understanding the gentrification of the post-industrial city.

The economic and cultural changes of the world in the s have been attributed to these consumption changes. The antiauthoritarian protest movements of the young in the U. In the postindustrial economy, the expansion of middle class jobs in inner cities came at the same time as many of the ideals of this movement. The process of gentrification stemmed as the new middle class, often with politically progressive ideals, was employed in the city and recognized not only the convenient commute of a city residence, but also the appeal towards the urban lifestyle as a means of opposing the "deception of the suburbanite".

Similarly, Michael Jager contended that the consumption pattern of the new middle class explains gentrification because of the new appeal of embracing the historical past as well as urban lifestyle and culture.

Consumers' desire for "local" products and services has been used to explain the effects of businesses such as craft breweries on neighborhood gentrification.

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To wit, the American urban theorist John Friedman 's seven-part theory posits a bifurcated service industry in world citiescomposed of "a high percentage of professionals specialized in control functions and The world city's inherent socio-economic inequality illustrates the causes of gentrification, reported in "Where Did They Go? The Decline of Middle-Income Neighborhoods in Metropolitan America" demonstrating geographical segregation by income in US cities, wherein middle-income middle class neighborhoods decline, while poor neighborhoods and rich neighborhoods remain stable.

Typically, areas to be gentrified are deteriorated and old, though structurally sound, and often have some obscure amenity such as a historical significance that attracts the potential gentrifiers.

Another phenomenon is "loft conversion," which rehabilitates mixed-use areas, often abandoned industrial buildings or run-down apartment buildings to housing for the incoming gentrifiers. Gentrification has been substantially advocated by local governments, often in the form of 'urban restructuring' policies. The other Don Johnson, however, is this guy.

He chugs briefly on an electronic cigarette and is otherwise entirely vice-free.

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He takes the croutons out of salads. He loves his wife, a Montessori schoolteacher called Kelley Phleger, and their three children.

His career is doing very nicely, thank you very much. He says today that he cannot disentangle his recent successful performances from his new way of being. It transpires that the new Don Johnson was born on the deck of his Aspen ranch in the late Noughties, after he looked around at his wealth — his boats, his plane, his houses — and realised that he was utterly miserable. He was raised in fear, for instance, and poverty, in Flat Creek, Missouri, by a father, Wayne, who was 19 at the time of his birth his mother was 17 and who was a firm advocate of expressing anger through corporal punishment.

Johnson, always beautiful, lost his virginity to his year-old babysitter when he was He studied acting at the University of Kansas and, at 18, began dating his year-old acting teacher, but left in the same year to join the American Conservatory Theatre in San Francisco.

He immediately found work in theatre and film, most notably as the star of the dystopian sci-fi A Boy and His Dog. I wonder about this now, about how Johnson has spent his entire life as a lust object. Capitalising on it, yes, but also very much an object. Drug dealers watched it for style tips, says rapper Ice-T. Johnson and co-star Philip Michael Thomas were on the cover of Time magazine.